It would be difficult to identify a political party leader who hasn’t ever been tempted to call a snap election. When personal popularity numbers are sky high, or the economy is in superb shape, or the opposition parties are in complete disarray, how can you blame a politician for wanting to go to the polls a year or two early? If successful, a minority government could turn into a majority government, or an existing majority government could turn into an even bigger majority government.

Some snap elections have been successful, including Progressive Conservative Prime Minister John Diefenbaker in 1958, Liberal Prime Minister Jean Chrétien in 1997 and 2000, Quebec Liberal Premier Jean Charest in 2008, B.C. NDP Premier John Horgan in 2020 and Ontario PC Premier Doug Ford in 2025. There have also been unsuccessful and less successful snap elections, including Liberal Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier in 1911, Liberal Prime Minister John Turner in 1984, Ontario Liberal Premier David Peterson in 1990, Alberta PC Premier Jim Prentice in 2015 and Liberal Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in 2021.

Then again, you could pull an Eby and destroy your political career in one fell swoop.

That’s what happened in the recent B.C. election. It will surely go down in Canadian history as one of the most astonishing election results of all time. Moreover, it will hopefully teach Canadian politicians an important lesson about why the temptation to call a snap election should be resisted.

NDP Premier David Eby had been governing with a small majority he earned in the 2024 election. He was an unpopular leader, but he was also safe for another couple of years. There was plenty of time for him to revitalize his political fortunes before another election had to be called.

Eby and the NDP watched with interest as the opposition BC Conservatives unexpectedly began to self-destruct before the province’s eyes. The Conservatives parted ways with then-leader John Rustad after a significant amount of contention and party infighting. A leadership campaign was initiated that quickly turned into a volatile affair, with Kerry-Lynne Findlay becoming the new leader in a very close race against Caroline Elliott. Her leadership then proceeded to collapse.

Findlay’s four months at the helm were a highly contentious period. Some Conservative MLAs had issues with her leadership and team. Controversial language she reportedly used about several MLAs and their families turned off caucus members. There were recordings of controversial remarks by staffers and an allegation of a private investigator being hired to spy on the party caucus, which Findlay said she was “unaware” of. This led several MLAs to either quit or get expelled, including Rustad, former interim leader Trevor Halford and former leadership rival Peter Milobar, who briefly became party leader of the small, right-leaning CentreBC.

Findlay resigned on Sept. 20. She was replaced by Lorne Doerkson, who became the interim leader. Eby decided to take advantage of this moment and called a snap election on Sept. 22 to potentially wipe out the Conservatives and other small centre-right parties.

It turned out to be a terrible miscalculation on Eby’s part. Had the premier called the election while Findlay was still leader, the result would have likely been very different. The Conservatives were in disarray, CentreBC would have won a few seats, and it’s possible that OneBC could have earned a seat or two. By opting to wait two additional days to drop the writ, Eby inadvertently gave the Conservatives just enough time to rebuild their political family for the provincial election.

Doerkson, a former newspaper publisher with a communications background, quickly proved to be an intelligent and thoughtful leader. He also exuded a steady, confident presence that the Conservatives had lacked for some time. Doerkson invited five MLAs, including Rustad and Halford, to return to caucus. He also made an agreement with Milobar, who left CentreBC and returned to the Conservative fold with the six other MLAs who had joined him.

The Conservative campaign was a well-oiled machine. There were a few bumps in the road and a couple of questionable candidates, but Doerkson was able to contain these controversies and act quickly. Conversely, the NDP campaign was largely an unorganized mess with Eby looking frazzled from start to finish. Even the leaders’ debate had little impact. Eby, the more experienced politician, performed better in the first half, but Doerkson found his footing and held his own for the rest of the debate.

What was the biggest issue of the campaign that B.C. voters refused to let go of? Eby called a snap election after only serving half of his mandate. Voters were “fed up and angry,” according to CTV News Network’s Front Bench panel. CHEK Media noted a poll that showed “angry voters are furious with the B.C. NDP government for calling a snap election two years early.”

There was also frustration related to the “cynical snap election call by a desperate premier trying to take advantage of two perceived political opportunities: the B.C. Conservative Party, then in disarray, and the red-hot unpopularity of U.S. President Donald Trump and his vile presidency,” former federal Conservative minister James Moore wrote for CTV News.

Many voters saw through the premier’s cynical decision to go to the polls early. They disliked the fact that he tried to take advantage of a difficult political situation to gain additional time in office. When the Conservatives got back on track and presented themselves as a viable alternative, the voters punished Eby for the snap election.

Note to Canada’s present and future political leaders. Don’t pull an Eby, or the same thing could happen to you.

Michael Taube is a political commentator, Troy Media syndicated columnist and former speechwriter for Prime Minister Stephen Harper. He holds a master’s degree in comparative politics from the London School of Economics, lending academic rigour to his political insights.